For the past two years, a battle has been raging for control of the Republican Party. On one side: the Tea Party insurgents of 2010, led by Sarah Palin, Jim DeMint, and the like, whose stated goal is to slash the size of the federal government, roll back the welfare state, and remake the nation’s capital. On the other side: the Washington-based Party hierarchy, consisting of the congressional leadership and the Republican National Committee, plus a permanent establishment of political consultants, K Street lobbyists, think-tank wonks, and media types. Now we know where the real power lies, and—no surprise, really—it isn’t on the side of the flag-waving teabaggers. ...John Cassidy, New Yorker
Cassidy also notes that big, big, big money has everything to do with who gets the power. It's not just that Citizens United has blessed the Republican party with a distinct advantage. That is now accepted as amply demonstrated during the first phase of the primaries.
Whether we're in an election year or not, the Republican party remains closely tied to and acting in the interests of corporate America and transnational corporations. Nothing new there. No one -- so far -- has managed to destroy that equation. Not the tea party, no matter what its best intentions are.
As for activists on the other side, we just have to think for a few seconds about Occupy Wall Street -- the closest thing the left has to an active reform movement -- and concede that if the tea party is so easily shoved aside we should be asking ourselves what hope a movement can possibly have that declares its antipathy to Wall Street right up front.
Whether Mitt Romney defeats Newt Gingrich by five, ten, or twenty points today won’t alter the essential narrative of the past week. Faced with the prospect of Gingrich taking a second successive primary and emerging as a legitimate frontrunner for the nomination, the Party elders and their media allies staged a rebellion that appears to have succeeded. With the first wave of primaries drawing to a close, the Party fixers look well placed to get what they wanted all along: a bland center-right candidate who can appeal to moderates and independents. The Tea Party, despite its energy and bluster, has so far got very little. ...John Cassidy, New Yorker
So how is it that the Republican party can hold onto any votes from the beleaguered middle class American?
There are various theories, one of which is that the Party leadership cleverly exploits conservative cultural values to persuade the boobs to vote against their own interests. (cf. Thomas Frank’s 2005 book, “What’s the Matter with Kansas?”) However they do it, the Lee Atwaters and the Karl Roves manage to keep things together. And when the Presidential campaign season begins, they run over everything in their way, including, if necessary, members of their own party. ...John Cassidy, New Yorker
It's that simple. Until we change it. Is that something for which we can expect Obama's help and encouragement?
Every time I ask myself that question, I go back to Ken Silverstein's eye-opening description of Obama's first days and weeks as a new senator. From earliest days in his new office, Obama went to work at forming power/money relationships with Wall Street and corporate Washington. The title of Silverstein's piece in Harper's is "Barack Obama Inc.: The birth of a Washington machine."
Since coming to Washington, Obama has advocated for the poor, most notably in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, and has emerged as a champion of clean government. He has fought for restrictions on lobbying, even as most of his fellow Democrats postured on the issue while quietly seeking to gut real reform initiatives. ...
... Yet it is also startling to see how quickly Obama’s senatorship has been woven into the web of institutionalized influence-trading that afflicts official Washington. He quickly established a political machine funded and run by a standard Beltway group of lobbyists, P.R. consultants, and hangers-on. For the staff post of policy director he hired Karen Kornbluh, a senior aide to Robert Rubin when the latter, as head of the Treasury Department under Bill Clinton, was a chief advocate for NAFTA and other free-trade policies that decimated the nation’s manufacturing sector (and the organized labor wing of the Democratic Party). Obama’s top contributors are corporate law and lobbying firms (Kirkland & Ellis and Skadden, Arps, where four attorneys are fund-raisers for Obama as well as donors), Wall Street financial houses (Goldman Sachs and JPMorgan Chase), and big Chicago interests (Henry Crown and Company, an investment firm that has stakes in industries ranging from telecommunications to defense). Obama immediately established a “leadership PAC,” a vehicle through which a member of Congress can contribute to other politicians’ campaigns—and one that political reform groups generally view as a slush fund through which congressional leaders can evade campaign-finance rules while raising their own political profiles. ...Harper's, 11/06
How well has Obama used his corporate ties to further his often-progressive agenda? During his first term, pretty well -- even amazing if you take Congressional obstruction into consideration. But still...
But still, it becomes clearer and clearer that unless the left organizes effectively, we're nowhere. I mean organizes, among other things, large-scale consumer boycotts of major corporations and banks, we remain powerless. We remain dependent on the right's own tendency to fragment and screw up to give us the necessary bounce that will help us reclaim leadership as well as a Congress and Supreme Court respected by the people and the world.