...As President Bush has shown all year, the Democrats do not have the power to bring the war to a halt, and there was nothing in the opening testimony from either of the star witnesses that seemed likely to shake the strong support the administration has enjoyed so far from congressional Republicans. That would suggest Bush will continue to have a free hand on Iraq for the foreseeable future... Michael Abramowitz in the Washington Post
The problem isn't that the country is largely in favor of the continuing war. Far from it. It's not that the Democrats haven't come up with alternatives. The problem lies in the tight grip Republicans have exercised on the legislative process in Congress since 1994, a stranglehold which, in spite of their losses, they have managed to keep. This didn't fully hit home until John Dean, not otherwise the most perspicacious analyst, painted a grim picture of Congressional shenanigans this morning in an interview.
Most of us have been unaware of the ways in which Congress has changed in a decade and a half. We continue to have expections of Congress and most recently of the Democratic majority. But the Democrats have power in name only. The power continues to lie with the Republicans. Any differential is swept away by Joe Lieberman and one or two others who have capitulated long since.
The long-awaited testimony this afternoon of Gen. David H. Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan C. Crocker, once seen as a potential turning point in war policy, seemed more like an exercise of kicking the can down the road.
Petraeus didn't need to do much more than give the can a few shoves. It doesn't matter that his statistics are skewed or that he's lying his reputation into an early grave. It seems more than likely than ever that Congress will give him a pass.
It's good to hear from Andrew Bacevich. His assessment is just about right.
...The general's testimony today suggests an unwillingness to confront the implications of that fact. He wants to let things play themselves out, deferring any big decisions. Petraeus seems to hope that with the passage of time, Iraqi political leaders will get their act together. But hope makes a poor basis for strategy.
Petraeus's recommendation to kick the can down the road will suit the Bush administration, which is determined neither to confront nor to acknowledge responsibility for the debacle it has created. But his recommendation will not suit the soldiers he commands, the army to which he has devoted his life, or the nation he serves.
The moment calls for an assessment and recommendations that cut to the heart of the matter. Instead, Petraeus has temporized. History will not judge his hesitation kindly.
